Babiš and his ANO party won the election but fell short of winning a majority in the 200 strong lower chamber of the Czech parliament, winning 80 seats. The consequence of his failure to win an outright majority is that Babiš must now attempt to build a coalition - at the time of writing Babiš has indicated his willingness to form a government alongside the far-right eurosceptic parties SPD and AUTO.

To win this election, ANO has undergone a remarkable shift in focus. Babiš has led his party through a transformation from centre-right liberalism to left-leaning conservatism, a  combination of right-wing social positions and left-wing economic policies that has proved a potent mix for radical right populists. Indeed, across the continent, populists have prospered on a message built on cultural concerns and issues of economic redistribution. 

During his victory speech, Babiš pledged to reject; asylum, action on the catastrophic impact of climate change, and redirect funds intended for the Ukrainian war effort towards domestic spending. Clear parallels can be seen with the approach of Reform UK. On the one hand, Farage’s party lambasts net-zero efforts and demonises immigrants, while on the other it proposes raising the income tax threshold to £20,000 and pledges to crack down on offshore tax avoidance.

The combination of interventionist economic policies and conservative social policies epitomises the realignment in European politics that speaks to a section of the population who feel economically disenfranchised and socially unrepresented by a ‘metropolitan elite’. The ideological incoherence of populism is, paradoxically, one of its greatest electoral strengths - over the last decade Babiš has been able to mould his party with remarkable speed. However, as other populists like Bolsonaro, Millei, Wilders, and indeed Babiš have discovered, the reality and complexity of governance is incompatible with the simplistic solutions that populism provides. Notably, when Babiš left office after failing to win re-election in 2021, Czechia’s deficit had expanded rapidly causing significant political headaches for his successor. 

Babiš is one of Czechia’s wealthiest individuals amassing a multi-billion dollar fortune through  his agricultural business. In 2011, Babiš leveraged his wealth to set up the ANO Party (Action of Dissatisfied Citizens) - the party was founded on a claimed anti-corruption ticket and was particularly adept at utilising social media to galvanise support. In the 2013 Parliamentary Elections, ANO proved themselves to be particularly skilled at using Facebook, becoming by far the most successful political party at using what was then a new form of communication technology in Czechia. Not content with dominating new forms of media, Babiš made political waves by purchasing MAFRA - the publisher of two of the largest Czech newspapers - in the same year. 

He retained ownership of the publishing house for a decade before selling it in 2023, following the introduction of new legislation banning certain types of media ownership by politicians. Yet the legislation may have come too late. Benefiting from favorable coverage in MAFRA, Babiš became Prime Minister of Czechia in 2017, the first in modern history not to represent one of the two dominant political parties. By the time he was forced to sell his media company, he had already established himself as the country’s preeminent politician and during his tenure, Babiš was consistently platformed and given reams of favourable coverage. This serves as a reminder that while legislation limiting the role of politicians in media is vital, the sooner such safeguards are introduced, the less damage is done to public trust and perception. 

In the UK questions have been raised over the manner in which some channels platform politicians. Recently in a select committee hearing the Secretary for Culture, Media, and Sport Lisa Nandy admitted that she has “had particular concerns raised by parliamentarians about the appearance of Nigel Farage presenting news programmes on GB News” stating that “the public have a right to know if what they’re seeing is news and is impartial or is not”. 

The relationship between the media and populists is interesting, especially when it comes to the adoption of the latest and newest trends in information technology. Like ANO with Facebook in 2013, populists have been much more adept at jumping on trends than their more mainstream rivals. Take Donald Trump or JD Vance utilising the American podcasting circuit or Nigel Farage’s use of TikTok. Analysis by the Guardian found that since the 2024 General Election, Reform UK have received almost 14 times more engagement (likes, comments or shares) per post on TikTok than Labour, Tories or the Lib Dems.

The election of another populist in an EU member state is a worrying sign, though the gravest consequences could be felt by those in Kyiv rather than in Brussels. Babiš campaigned against the support for Ukraine and any potential route towards EU membership. Babiš’ pledge to cancel the Prague-led ammunition initiative will undoubtedly place the newly elected Czech PM alongside Fico and Orbán in the EU’s ‘coalition of the unwilling’. Just last year, Babiš founded a new group within the European Parliament called the ‘Patriots for Europe’. Fellow inaugural members include other radical right figures such as Viktor Orbán, Jordan Bardella of the French National Rally, and Herbert Kickl of the Austrian Freedom Party. Right-wing nationalist populism has, ironically, become an international movement.

The reliance of the new Prime Minister on a coalition propped up by two far-right parties adds further worry. The SPD party has been described as neo-fascist, while the AUTO party attacks ‘green fanatics’ and is peculiar in that it was created for motorists - the party's name translates to “Motorists for Themselves”. However, despite the eurosceptic nature of these parties, the newly elected Czech Prime Minister holds that he will not hold a referendum on either EU or NATO membership. Only time will tell.

Aside from the implications for regional security, the Czech election offers some lessons for our politics in the UK. First, on the tendency of populist parties to move their policy positions rapidly in response to changes in public opinion. Second, the realignment of these parties towards a socially conservative and economically interventionist model that defies a simple right vs left analysis or counterstrategy. Third, the limitations of legislating against the involvement of elected populist politicians in national media - particularly when it’s done too late. And last , to recognise the speed and success that radical right figures adopt new forms of media and use them to their advantage.